Tuesday, March 31st, 2015 by Madison Project Staff and is filed under Blog, Immigration, Issues
There have been three votes the United States House of Representatives have taken this Congress that have been of grave importance to the conservative movement.
The first was the vote for Speaker of the House, which 25 Republican members opposed the liberal House leadership and voted for someone other than John Boehner.
The second was against the DHS bill, which funded Obama’s unlawful executive amnesty. For this vote 75 Republicans joined with Democrats and voted for the bill. The conservative vote was a “No” vote.
The third, which happened this past week, was the vote for the “Doc Fix” bill, H.R. 2. This bill broke the hopes of a budget, yet only 33 Republicans voted “No”.
Madison Project would like to thank those 37 members who stood up for conservative principles and voted “No” on HR2.
Rep. Mo Brooks
Rep. Gary Palmer
Rep. David Schweikert
Rep. Tom McClintock
Rep. Darrell Issa
Rep. Ken Buck
Rep. Ron DeSantis
Rep. David Jolly
Rep. Barry Loudermilk
Rep. Tom Graves
Rep. Raul Labrador
Rep. Jan Schakowsky
Rep. Randy Hultgren
Rep. Peter Visclosky
Rep. Rod Blum
Rep. Steve King
Rep. Tim Huelskamp
Rep. Thomas Massie
Rep. Justin Amash
Rep. Scott Garrett
Rep. Jerrold Nadler
Rep. Walter Jones
Rep. Mark Meadows
Rep. Jim Jordan
Rep. Jim Bridenstine
Rep. Mark Sanford
Rep. Mick Mulvaney
Rep. Scott DesJarlais
Rep. Jim Cooper
Rep. Louie Gohmert
Rep. Sam Johnson
Rep. John Ratcliffe
Rep. Kenny Marchant
Rep. Dave Brat
Rep. James Sensenbrenner
Rep. Glenn Grothman
Rep. Cynthia Lummis
Monday, March 30th, 2015 by Madison Project Staff and is filed under Blog, Elections, Issues, Policy
It is a pattern we have witnessed for years, but especially the last four election cycles.
It goes something like this.
The Republican Party messages to the conservative grassroots: if you turn out and vote us into a majority, we will accomplish X, Y and Z.
X, Y and Z happen to be THE issues the grassroots are concerned about.
The conservative grassroots responds and delivers the majority (or in 2000 and 2004, the Presidency) in one or both chambers of Congress under the illusion of a GOP majority advancing conservatism and rolling back rampant government expansion.
Then, Lucy-like, the GOP majority pulls the ball just as the conservative movement goes for the extra point. As the grassroots conservatives dust themselves off wondering what just happened, the GOP spin machine kicks into high gear. “We are with you, but the timing isn’t right.” Or, “The work isn’t done. We have the majorities in both the House and Senate, but we need the White House to REALLY get things done.”
Then stories like this one from The Hill crop up, an obvious attempt by the GOP leadership to set the stage for further abdication on critical issues, this one being the repeal of Obamacare. First comes the above messaging, then the leaked stories to bolster the GOP Establishment’s messaging: We are trying, but there isn’t anything we can do right now on your issues.
Except for one problem.
The GOP is lying to the conservative base in hopes that no one will challenge their messaging.
As we have noted many times, this is why the Madison Project exists. To challenge the GOP Establishment’s progressive, big government tendencies. We do it on all fronts, from recruiting full spectrum conservatives to run against middling incumbents to prosecuting the case against a GOP gone awry.
This is why we are launching, today, our new series of Policy Memos. From bullet points to in-depth analysis of the issues, our memos will be brief and powerful, the perfect tool for challenging the GOP messaging machine.
As the Mitch McConnell and Co. attempt to set the stage for the inability to repeal Obamacare through budget reconciliation, we make the case in our first Policy Memo for why this is absolutely wrong and, point by point, lay out exactly how the GOP can accomplish one of its stated policy goals: the full repeal of Obamacare (dare we say, ripping it out root and branch).
It is time for the conservative movement to be discontent with the milquetoast leadership of the Republican Party that not only refuses to fight for them in Washington, DC, but more often than not works against them.
To read our first Policy Memo, click the following link:
Friday, March 20th, 2015 by Madison Project Staff and is filed under Blog
The month of March is budget month for the federal government and currently, the GOP majority in both the House and Senate are proposing a budget that the Washington Examiner calls timid.
Calling it timid misses the point. Timid would suggest that Senator Mike Enzi (R-WY), chairman of the Senate Budget Committee, wanted to do something but lacked the courage to do so. Nothing could be further from the truth.
This is not a timid budget. This is an aggressive budget that will be pushed by progressives on both sides of the aisle.
Not only does it do nothing to address the repeal of Obamacare through reconciliation (which has created $2 trillion in new spending), it does not do anything to defund Obama’s executive amnesty while advancing 18 new or increased taxes.
According to the Heritage Foundation (italics added):
“Congress’s 2016 Budget Resolution should repeal Obamacare in its entirety. This would eliminate the $2 trillion in new spending created by the law’s exchange subsidies and Medicaid expansion, as well as the $771 billion in increased revenue from the law’s 18 new or increased taxes. In addition, full repeal would alleviate the burdens caused by Obamacare’s costly and onerous federal insurance regulations that have caused massive disruption in the insurance market. Repeal is essential to getting the nation’s health care entitlement spending under control, and necessary for laying the groundwork for market-based and patient-centered health care reform. Reconciliation offers the best option to accomplish this goal.”
Make no mistake. There is nothing timid about this proposed budget. It is an aggressive push by the GOP Establishment to advance their real agenda, which is big government.
Wednesday, March 18th, 2015 by Madison Project Staff and is filed under Blog, Issues
Yesterday, Democrat Eliot Engel (D-N.Y.) introduced the Armor Piercing Bullets Act, a bill that would ban the M855 “Green tipped” ammunition commonly used in AR-15 rifles. Engel’s bill is based upon the proposed ban of the M855 round in February by the ATF.
The workaround proposed by the ATF follows this line of reasoning:
Under the 1986 Officer protection Act the M855 ammunition is legal. The reason the ATF is proposing to ban M855 ammunition is because of the AR-15 pistol, claiming that the appearance of the AR-15 pistol makes the M855 ammunition more likely to be used to attack a police officer.
By leaping to several conclusions, the ATF decided to come up with their own interpretation of the Law Enforcement Officers Protection Act of 1986. Because of their interpretation, they feel justified in preemptively banned types of ammunition for legal weapons.
This is just one more example of the Obama Administration allowing appointed bureaucracies to try and set precedent and interpret law instead of working through the legislative process.
Many European countries now under onerous gun control laws and civilians cannot own military caliber weapons because they started down this slippery slope years ago.
Some will argue that the Founders did not envision every American owning an AR-15. We would argue in return that they did and that the musket and rifles of their day were AR-15s. Their original intent was twofold: an armed citizenry constrained government and those inside it who wished to abuse power and an armed citizenry was a ready made army ready to leap to the defense of their country.
So what are the three best ways we can fight for our 2nd Amendment rights?
1. Call your Representative. The Democrats have filed a bill in Congress to outlaw M855 ammunition because they realize their ban by bureaucracy is failing. Make sure your representative knows to vote against this bill. To reach your representative, call the Capitol switchboard at 202-224-3121.
2. Call your Senators (also at 202-224-3121). Obama has appointed Loretta Lynch to be Attorney General and the Senate is set to vote on her confirmation either this week or next. Eric Holder showed himself to be ineffective and willing to push Obama’s anti-gun agenda, and Loretta Lynch will be pushing the same restrictive gun policies that Obama and the Democrats are interested in.
3. Stop giving money to groups that endorse and fund bad politicians. The Senate confirmation of Loretta Lynch is going to be a close vote and groups like the National Rifle Association have endorsed and given money to Democrats like Senator Harry Reid and others, not based on principle, but for access. For many gun owners who are under the impression that the NRA represents them, we think it is time for reflection. How can a group that knowingly endorses Democrats, who they know will vote for Nancy Pelosi and Harry Reid as leadership, who in turn actively work against the 2nd Amendment, claim to fight for the 2nd Amendment? Their very arguments are undermined by their actions.
4. Republican leadership in both chambers is, again, absent from this fight. Speaker John Boehner’s name is glaringly not on the letter sent to ATF Director Todd Jones regarding the banning of M855. As “leadership” Boehner and McConnell should have been leading this push back against an overreaching bureaucracy. They are not.
Tuesday, March 17th, 2015 by Madison Project Staff and is filed under Blog, Elections, Issues
For those that have missed the memo, we here at the Madison Project love being agitators for freedom.
We want to hold elected officials accountable even as we work to elect better and better Members of Congress. We work to advance conservatism as frequently and as purely as possible, be it reducing taxes, ending abortion or working towards dismantling Obamacare.
So it is no surprise that over the past 10 years as Madison Project has brought to the public’s attention the voting record of Democrats and Republicans, we have been attacked by both parties.
The usual GOP talking points against the Madison Project (and Senate Conservatives Fund, the Club for Growth and Heritage Action) is that the Madison Project is “hurting the party” and forming “circular firing squads” that are “not helpful” to the GOP majority. By hurting the party, what the GOP Establishment is saying is, “You’re hurting our chances to advance the issues important to corporations and their lobbyists by calling us out and electing conservatives.”
If our work is hurting this current iteration of the Republican Party, count us in.
As we have said in the past, it is we and our conservative allies who actually represent and work towards the principles and ideology which the GOP claims to represent and advance. We are the free market conservatives who believe in liberty and reducing government, not growing it and giving corporations a leg up on the backs of the American taxpayers.
Over the last few election cycles, it is the Madison Project that has helped add some of the most stalwart conservatives in both chambers of Congress: Senators Mike Lee and Ted Cruz, Congressman Jim Bridenstine, Mark Meadows, Ron DeSantis, Tim Huelskamp, Dave Brat, Jody Hice and many others.
Conservative grassroots activists worked overtime last fall to elect a Republican majority on promises of rolling back Obamacare and stopping illegal immigration.
Now sitting under Republican majorities, these promises have not only been vacated but actually reversed where we’ve seen Republican leaders working with Democrats to actually help to enact these dangerous policies.
For years we have warned that it’s not just about having a Republican majority in both chambers. It’s about having conservatives eager to fight and advance the Republican Party platform. It’s not just a vote, it’s a voice.
The recently passed Department of Homeland Security (DHS) funding bill is the perfect example. The House of Representatives passed a good bill, replete with riders that stripped funding for Obama’s executive amnesty order and sent it to the Senate.
The Senate, under Majority Leader Mitch McConnell’s “leadership” stripped the riders from the bill and sent it back to the House.
Here is where it should have been easy: Boehner and the House Republicans should have stripped the bad language out, put the conservative language back in, and sent it back to McConnell.
Instead, 100% of House Democrats and 75 Republicans, including the Speaker, and most of “leadership” and members with all-important seniority, voted to fund executive amnesty behind the fig leaf of, “If we don’t, the Department of Homeland Security will shut down and we will be totally exposed to terrorism.” Nothing could have been further from the truth.
The simple workaround would have been to pass a continuing resolution that would have fully funded DHS while holding the line on amnesty. It is now abundantly clear to everyone that John Boehner and Mitch McConnell never intended to fight amnesty. After all, their friends on K Street and at the U.S. Chamber of Commerce were pushing for it.
If this doesn’t make it abundantly clear that it is time for new leadership, we’re not sure what will.
Tuesday, March 10th, 2015 by Madison Project Staff and is filed under Blog, Elections, Issues
It’s time for a third party.
That’s what 60% of Americans say according to the September 2014 Gallup poll. Why? Because more and more Americans see little difference between the Democrats and Republicans.
We have noted many times on this blog and in the press that the “game” being played in Washington, DC is rigged. It’s as if we’re watching the Harlem Globetrotters (the Democrats) and the Washington Generals (the Republicans) play a basketball game where the outcome was decided in the locker room. The game is over before it even started.
It goes something like this:
Harry Reid: Here’s what we’re really going to get accomplished today in Washington, DC. We’re going to protect Obama’s amnesty for the sake of optics and Mitch, you’re going to tell your corporate buddies we did this one for them and they need to keep the PAC checks coming.
Mitch McConnell: You got it, Harry. Nice eye patch, by the way. Looks good on you. Kind of got that pirate swagger thing going.
Harry Reid: Right back at you, Mitch. That’s a great nickname, btw. Darth Vader. Where do your folks come up with stuff like that? I just get the boxer references all the time. They’re not bad, but. . .Darth Vader. It’s got some zip to it. Hey, has anyone seen Boehner? That guy is always disappearing at the worst times.
Voice from the back of the room: He’s out for a smoke break.
Harry Reid: And right before game time. I told him to knock that crap off. It’s bad optics. That and that tanning business. Who does that these days?!
Staffer (popping into the room): 5 minutes until go time!
Harry Reid: Right, okay. Back on track. Everyone in. Remember. The goal of today’s game is to really show our supporters and donors that we’re fighting for them. Gotta be a great show, let’s keep it close until the buzzer and then we’ll win. So, everyone in. On the count of three we shout, “Team.”
Mitch McConnell: Wait a second. You always lead the huddle cheer, Harry, and you guys always win. It’s my turn today. I’m the Majority Leader after all.
Harry Reid: Riiiight. Like I said, we’re going to put on a good show for folks out there today. Down to the buzzer. Everyone in. On three we shout, “Team!”
Mitch McConnell: Wait a second, wait a second. Which team are we shouting, “Team” for? Yours or mine, Harry?
Harry Reid: Ours, Mitch. Ours.
Mitch McConnell: Ok, got it.
And out they go to face the press day in and day out to prove that they are really fighting for their voters.
But are they?
Clearly, the Democrats have a case to make that they are holding up their end of their campaign promises. Ramming Obamacare through? Check. Destroying border security for La Raza and others? Check. Passing motor voter laws and defeating Voter ID laws? Check.
And while the Democrats are creating seismic change with their actions, change that will affect America for generations to come, the Republicans are touting the “job creating” Keystone Pipeline (it is projected to create 30,000 jobs at a time when over 100 million working age Americans are jobless.), the “Firing of Harry Reid” (for why this didn’t and doesn’t matter, see above) and tweaking Obamacare, not repealing it in toto.
The Republicans are empty suits, intent on staying in power when really only the vestige of it is in reach for this current crop of would be leaders.
So what are the conservative grassroots to do? Abandon the Republican Party?
The temptation is real.
Until we are reminded of principled fighters like Congressmen Jim Bridenstine and Tim Huelskamp and Jim Jordan and other conservatives in the United States House of Representatives, many of whom were elected over the last three election cycles.
Are they winning? In one sense, yes. They defeated the reauthorization of No Child Left Behind. Did they beat back funding of amnesty in the DHS bill? No, but they forced John Boehner and Mitch McConnell to show their true colors. Those two wanted amnesty just as badly as Harry Reid and the Democrats did, just for different reasons. But given the results of November, both of them had to put up the appearance of a fight.
Now that the Boehner and McConnell have had to show their cards, it is more clear than ever that conservatives have a chance to resume control of their party. We believe the Gallup poll above indicates that the American people want a clear difference in Washington, DC and that they want elected officials who work for them, not special interest groups who do not have their best interests in mind.
So instead of talking about creating a third party, conservatives need to refocus, prepare for 2016 and help elect more like Jim Bridenstine, Tim Huelskamp and Jim Jordan.
We can still win.
Wednesday, March 4th, 2015 by Madison Project Staff and is filed under Blog, Elections, Issues
Yesterday was probably one of the biggest votes this Congress will take over the next two years. After winning a majority on “We will stop Obama and his policies at all costs!” the GOP Establishment pivoted to where we knew they were all along.
They didn’t have a problem with Obama’s executive amnesty language inserted into the DHS funding bill. Not when it happened and not now. In fact, as cozy as they are with K Street, the Chamber of Commerce and other big business entities that line their election coffers with lobbyist checks, they wanted to help their friends out (the corporate ones who want amnesty for cheap labor, not the ones who got them elected).
So in spite of the conservative grassroots and their campaign promises, they stripped the DHS funding bill of any riders or language that would eliminate Obama’s amnesty and rammed it through both the Senate and the House with across the board Democrat support, all the while trying to drive the narrative that a “small group of conservatives” were bucking GOP leadership.
Since when is 31 out of 54 GOP Senators a “small group”? Or the 167 GOP House members that voted against the bill-how can that be defined as “small?”
By our non-Common Core math, both of those “small groups” are significantly above 50%.
In the case of the House, the GOP majority is 248; so in reality the 75 GOP Members that voted with John Boehner (a number significantly under 50% for those of you keeping score) represent the small group.
So what is the problem in Washington, DC with these newly minted GOP majorities?
We venture to guess that their leadership is from a by-gone era unused to a conservative movement that is discontent with the thought of just helping the GOP win during election season and leaving the governing up to them.
They have, in fact, grown up politically in an era where they relied on the conservative grassroots to help them win and their K Street/corporate friends to help them govern. Now that the dynamic is changing and conservatives want to dictate policy, they are trying to buck the new reality.
However, this is a generational shift. It cannot be bucked and the clock cannot be turned back.
As the GOP leadership targets their own conservative Members with the help of pro-amnesty groups like the American Action Network, it’s clear that instead of reading the tea leaves correctly (pun intended) they are creating their own Waterloo.
Wednesday, March 4th, 2015 by Madison Project Staff and is filed under Blog, Elections, Issues
This article is cross posted from Daniel Horowitz’s column at www.ConservativeReview.com
The GOP Establishment’s Politics of Fear Turns Touchdowns into Interceptions
By: Daniel Horowitz | March 4th, 2015
Republicans have always been driven to sell out their principles based on unfounded and irrational fear of outcomes. However, since winning the 2014 midterm elections, they have taken this irrational fear to a new level. Louisiana Governor Bobby Jindal even calls it post-election stress syndrome.
During the ‘90s, with a popular president in the White House and a soaring economy, Republicans had more courage to challenge a sitting Democrat president than the current generation of GOPers – even though this president is extremely radical, reckless, lawless, and unpopular. Back in 1995, Republicans were willing to battle the president on budget bills over policy disagreements – with the deficit a fraction of what it is today. Their efforts resulted in welfare reform. Now Republicans are too scared to fight Obama on anything, even on issues where he has exhibited lawless or dangerous behavior, such as amnesty, Obamacare, and Iran.
Amazingly they fail to see, as evidenced by the midterm elections, that the country views this president as anything but mainstream or reasonable in a way that would complicate political brinkmanship against him. According to a new Huffington Post/YouGov poll, less than half of respondents said that Obama loves America. A plurality of voters across a number of demographics in the cross-tabs of the poll, in fact, said that Obama does not love America. We are not exactly dealing with a popularity juggernaut here.
The common refrain from Republicans is “we will get blamed.” And they make sure to shout this bromide from the hilltops for all to hear.
Whereas conservatives view leverage points, such as budget bills, debt ceilings, and the impending Supreme Court case on Obamacare subsidies, as opportunities to be embraced; GOP leadership views them as the plague to be avoided. Yet, worse than avoiding the opportunity to score a touchdown, they preemptively convert those prospects of advancing conservatism into scoring points for the other side.
Nowhere is this more evident than with the GOP’s alacritous public clamor to support Obamacare subsidies in the event that the Supreme Court strikes them down in the 34 states that declined to set up health care exchanges. With the Supreme Court slated to hear oral arguments tomorrow in the King v Burwell case, conservatives are excited about the prospect of a second chance to use the court to strike a death knell to Obamacare. Unfortunately, that is not what will happen if the court strikes down the subsidies.
In a sane world, Republicans would take the opportunity of the potential SCOTUS decision to pin the tail of blame for crushing health care and health insurance costs on the Democrat donkey. If SCOTUS pulls the plug on the Obamacare morphine (the subsidies), everyone would immediately feel the pain of the Obamacare mandates, regulations and interventions that have doubled and tripled premiums for most Americans. And unlike most other issues, Obamacare is exclusively associated with Democrats. We would harness that anger against Obamacare to ensure that any Congressional “fix” granting a temporary continuation of the subsidies is paired with a bill repealing the price-hiking regulations on insurance plans. The messaging for Republicans is quite simple: stop administering the pain (mandates) and we won’t need to administer the morphine (subsidies).
This is not hard to understand. Based on the past few elections, in which Obamacare has been the golden goose for Republican candidates, the American people clearly understand who is to blame for the rising premiums, loss of coverage, and loss of family doctors.
Instead, Republicans have spent the past few months preemptively and unilaterally portending an apocalypse when people lose their subsidies. What’s worse, they are publicly taking on the responsibility for “fixing” it and assuming full culpability for any fallout. To that end, they are making it clear that Republicans must put their stamp of approval on a bill continuing the Obamacare subsidies or replacing them with massive refundable tax credits, thereby enshrining permanent dependency – all with the blessing of the “more conservative” party.
As previously mentioned, most replacement plans fail to pair the subsidies against eliminating the underlying problems – the scope of mandates and regulations of Obamacare. But more importantly, even if Republicans insert some good provisions into their plan, all Obama has to do is just wait them out and they will eventually capitulate. They have created yet another cliff and have emphatically expressed their culpability and ensuing responsibility to pass a bill. Perforce, they will turn the King v Burwell decision into a Republican acquiescence to most of the critical elements in Obamacare.
We will see the same dynamic unfold with a bunch of other deadlines – be it the debt ceiling, highway bill, or reauthorization of Ex-Im Bank. Republicans will agree to the premise of doom in absence of passing a bill and will passionately project the blame on themselves. Then they will propose a liberal bill, albeit with a few good provisions to get conservatives to support the package. But those shiny object reforms are worthless because Republicans have already sent the message to Obama loud and clear that they will blink first. They will never cross a political deadline and will always accept the blame.
The question voters must ask is if Republicans are scared to make a move for fear of reprisal why do they step onto the field in the first place?
Wednesday, February 25th, 2015 by Ericka Andersen and is filed under Blog
When you hear “No Child Left Behind,” you may cringe at the memory of a bad policy put into place back in 2002 by President George W. Bush. Many conservatives pushed against the big government program from the start — and now, we’re back at it.
Unfortunately, the federal government hasn’t “left it behind” yet.
Congress is currently looking at a re-authorization of the failed legislation, which is the largest federal law governing education policy for students in grades K-12.
This time they are branding it the Student Success Act (SSA) and it’s moving along rather quickly — up for a vote this Thursday in fact.
The SSA combines dozens of different programs originally authorized under NCLB and like much of what comes out of Washington, the details are easy get confused.
Supporters are touting the “flexibility” this new version would give states but that line should be taken with a grain of salt. In reality, the “flexibility” is very small, and the SSA would only perpetuate the problems caused by NCLB as a whole.
Lindsey Burke, and education policy analyst from the Heritage Foundation, writes:
NCLB currently authorizes roughly $24 billion in spending for the nearly 80 programs that fall under the law. Providing flexibility within a single title of the law totaling just 10 percent of overall spending in NCLB, and within a limited scope, is a missed opportunity to truly restore state and local decision-making.
There’s always something. In this case, there are multiple things. For example, the new version of NCLB doesn’t slow spending, cut programs or allow education dollars to follow students.
What’s the point in renewing a program that has made little impact on test scores — one of the main components of the program — and taken away from other important aspects of educational life? With so much focus on national test standards, funds were diverted from other things and educational freedom denied. Most of all, it doesn’t do anything to reduce federal mandates and make education effective at the local level.
States shouldn’t be forced into another long tour of duty under this big government monstrosity. Education works best at the local level, where parents, teachers, students and local government make the decisions for themselves.
Tuesday, February 24th, 2015 by Madison Project Staff and is filed under Blog, Elections, Issues
This morning, Washington, DC awakened to earth shattering news. Mitch McConnell and team were seriously considering repealing ObamaCare. The process was in place, they were doing due diligence and putting the wheels in motion.
It was show time.
Until the Senate parliamentarian said they couldn’t use the budgetary reconciliation process to dismantle ObamaCare. Like truant school children, the response from Mitch McConnell and team was to hang their heads and say, “Well, we tried to do the right thing. . . .”
That is gist of the story that is in The Hill this morning.
Nothing could be further from the truth. Mitch McConnell has no intention whatsoever of repealing ObamaCare. Now or ever.
If you read the story closely, its apparent that the source of the parliamentarian’s concern are “GOP sources.” Read that as either Senate leadership aide or McConnell staff. As far as anyone knows, the Senate parliamentarian has no concerns regarding using the budgetary reconciliation process to repeal ObamaCare.
Team McConnell would 1) like for you to think that she does and that 2) the parliamentarian’s advice is akin to the Ten Commandments, i.e. carved in stone. Once she speaks, it is settled.
If you have been around DC long enough, the story must be read as a trial balloon from the GOP leadership as it intends to claim that the budgetary reconciliation process is not a legitimate way to dismantle ObamaCare and that “because we don’t have the White House, we’re just going to have to wait to see how 2016 plays out before we can take any serious action against ObamaCare.”
This story is a marker for them to turn to and say, “Look, we tried, but as The Hill reported, it’s just impossible to do.”
This is a manufactured story if ever there was one.
McConnell and team will, of course, trot out the obligatory floor votes for full repeal of ObamaCare and hope the conservative movement seal claps for this shiny object. After all, this is why they won in November-to show people they are serious about getting things done. But the fact of the matter is, full repeal votes are simply show votes that Mitch McConnell and team know have no chance of going anywhere.
Now, for the parliamentarian.
For a moment, let’s say that the parliamentarian does have concerns with using the budgetary reconciliation process to dismantle the ObamaCare. Who is the parliamentarian and what is this person’s role in the Senate?
To begin with, the role of the parliamentarian is simply an advisory one that was established in 1935 in hopes of creating a more orderly flow in the Senate during the New Deal. In essence, the role of the parliamentarian was created to house the working knowledge of how the Senate was supposed to operate as more and more Senators spent less time on the floor.
As an advisor, the parliamentarian’s advice is non-binding. The presiding officer of the Senate can take it or leave it. The parliamentarian serves as a reference point, a lexicon so to speak, for new Senators to ask questions of as they serve as the presiding officer of the Senate. Senators may disagree with the parliamentarian. In fact, both the Democrats and the Republicans have fired the parliamentarian when they feel the parliamentarian is disagreeing with them for no apparent reason (Robert Dove being the most famous case, fired in 1987 by the Democrats and in 2001 by the Republicans).
So while the parliamentarian plays a role in the United States Senate, let’s not let Mitch McConnell and team fool us into thinking it is a critical one. It’s not. It’s a functionary role that was always intended to give advice to the chair, not bind the majority into what they could and could not do. At best, The Hill story today was a fig leaf for McConnell and team to hide behind.
And frankly, it was a small one.
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